The re-election of Donald Trump and the resurgence of fascism internationally have intensified threats to workers’ rights, democratic institutions, and social progress. Fascist movements are exploiting economic insecurity and cultural anxieties, promoting xenophobia, nationalism, racism, and sexism to advance the interests of monopoly capital and their billionaire backers.
In this context, the historic World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) remains a vital force for international working-class solidarity, offering a model for resisting fascism and defending workers’ rights in the 21st century.
Just last month, the WTFU held its 2025 Presidential Council meeting in Hanoi, Vietnam. Delegates focused on the situation currently facing the international working class, surveyed the rising influence of fascism, and emphasized the need for enhanced ideological and trade union education, stronger sectoral and regional offices, and increased support for working youth and working women.
Eighty years after its founding, the WFTU continues to fight for the rights of workers around the world, including refugees and migrant workers, women, and marginalized groups. It continues to uphold the fight against racism, xenophobia, and fascism – struggles that, throughout the organization’s long history – have always been central to its identity.
Workers vs. fascism
In the 1930s, fascist regimes sought to eliminate the power of organized labor, viewing unions as a threat to their open, terroristic rule. By suppressing strikes, outlawing collective bargaining, and replacing independent unions with corporate- or state-controlled organizations, fascist governments tried to undermine workers’ ability to defend their rights and improve their conditions.
Moreover, the rise of fascism posed a broader threat to democracy, with representative institutions abolished, political opposition suppressed, and dictatorships of the most reactionary elements of capital established in country after country.
The international labor movement recognized the threat and called for unity and resistance. The 7th World Congress of the Communist International in 1935, led by Georgi Dimitrov, emphasized the need for a united front against fascism, bringing together communists, socialists, and liberals in a common struggle.
It was this struggle and the subsequent world war against fascism that laid the groundwork for the formation of WFTU in 1945. Its aim was to unite workers across ideological and national lines and inscribed on its banners were the slogans of peace, democracy, and social justice.
Founding the WFTU
The inaugural WFTU conference, held in London, was a key moment in the history of the global labor movement. Attended by 204 delegates representing 50 million workers from 40 national and 15 international trade unions, the conference brought together a diverse coalition of workers united by a common goal: defend labor’s rights and block the return of fascism.
The federation brought together trade unionists from different political and ideological backgrounds, including communists, socialists, and democrats of various stripes, to combat the common enemies of fascism and corporate power.
The All-Union Central Council of Trade Unions (AUCCTU) in the Soviet Union played a pivotal role in founding the WFTU, but the organization was never exclusively communist. For example, the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in the U.S. and the Trades Union Congress (TUC) in Britain were also founding members.
From its very beginning, the WFTU encountered ideological divisions, though, and two significant factions emerged. Some union leaders from the U.S. and a handful of Western European nations wanted to carry on the model of the old Amsterdam International, the International Federation of Trade Unions. The IFTU was closely affiliated to the social democratic political parties of Europe and limited its attention to domestic wage and welfare matters usually. Another group of workers, however, comprised of communists, socialists, democrats, and progressives (including representatives from the USSR, China, and Latin America) wanted the WFTU to be a vehicle for class struggle and working-class internationalism.
Among the issues differentiating the two factions were the questions self-determination for oppressed nations and colonialism. While the communists championed workers’ rights not only in industrialized nations but also in colonized and semi-colonized countries, more conservative trade unions were primarily concerned with immediate gains for workers within their own borders.
Ultimately, at the First World Congress in Paris in 1945, it was resolved to establish the World Federation of Trade Unions as a unified and inclusive organization capable of addressing the challenges of post-war reconstruction and championing workers’ rights on an international scale. The IFTU was seen as insufficient for meeting the evolving demands of a rapidly changing world, particularly in light of the increasing influence of socialist and communist trade unions. Consequently, the Amsterdam International formally dissolved.
The WFTU immediately assumed a key role in advocating for workers’ rights within the newly established United Nations and its specialized agencies, notably the International Labour Organization (ILO). The federation actively championed the inclusion of workers’ rights in international agreements and wielded its influence to ensure that the working class was prioritized in all significant decisions made by the UN.
Postwar unity gives way to division
World War II wreaked havoc across Europe, Asia, and other regions, leaving behind devastated infrastructure, industries, and economies. Recognizing the urgent need for reconstruction efforts, the WFTU prioritized workers’ rights and advocated for a just economic recovery. The federation championed international aid and cooperation to rebuild industries, ensuring that workers would be at the forefront of the recovery process.
Furthermore, the WFTU continued to support national liberation movements in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, viewing them as integral to the broader struggle against the forces that had fostered fascism. However, internal pressures within the federation intensified, with figures like Arthur Deakin of the British Trades Union Congress (TUC) beginning to call for the WFTU’s dissolution, asserting that it was “communist-controlled.”
The Second World Congress convened in Italy in 1949, bringing together delegates from 61 nations representing a staggering 71 million workers. The conference delved into the escalating tensions of the Cold War while also honoring the triumphs of independence movements and popular revolutions in China, Korea, and Vietnam. Moreover, it reassessed the global landscape following the defeat of international fascism.
However, escalating U.S.-Soviet tensions further exacerbated divisions within the WFTU. The federation’s opposition to the U.S. government’s Marshall Plan stemmed from a view that it was a tool of U.S. imperialism that posed a significant threat to workers’ rights and socialist movements. The WFTU argued that the plan prioritized the interests of U.S. imperialism and multinational corporations over those of workers. Furthermore, the federation criticized the plan for promoting austerity measures and wage controls that negatively impacted living standards.
The WFTU also rightly saw the plan as a deliberate attempt to undermine socialist and communist movements across Europe. The intention was to isolate socialist and communist political parties and trade unions, particularly in countries like France and Italy, where communist movements held considerable influence and electoral power.
Cold War splits and McCarthyite purges
The anti-communist purges of the late 1940s and ’50s, particularly in the U.S., had a devastating impact on the labor movement. Under the guise of “fighting communism,” the ruling class targeted and jailed militant union leaders and replaced them with pro-capitalist figures who aligned with U.S. foreign policy goals and the newly established NATO alliance.
The Truman Doctrine, announced in 1947, aimed to “contain the spread of communism” internationally. It essentially framed the Cold War as a struggle between “democracy” and “totalitarianism.” The administration’s international orientation heavily influenced U.S. domestic policies, sparking efforts to root out “communist influence” within American institutions, particularly the trade unions.
McCarthyism and the Red Scare achieved their intended goals, weakening progressive and left influence in unions and ultimately reshaping the labor movement to align more closely with Cold War policies. Labor leaders were pressured get on board with the diktats of U.S. imperialism, including the support for NATO and opposition to socialist or communist movements abroad.
Many of the purged trade union leaders (several of whom, though by no means all, were affiliated with the Communist Party USA) had been instrumental in organizing industrial workers with the CIO and fighting for workers’ rights, Social Security, and Unemployment Insurance during the 1930s and ’40s. High-profile union leaders, such as those in the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America (UE), were particularly targeted for their opposition to Cold War policies.
In 1949 and 1950, the CIO, under pressure from the government and anti-communist forces, expelled 11 left-leaning unions representing over a million workers. These unions were accused of being communist-dominated, though many were simply progressive and militant in their fight for workers’ rights.
The Taft-Hartley Act of 1947 was a key tool in the anti-communist union purges. It required union leaders to sign affidavits declaring they were not members of the Communist Party, effectively barring communists and their allies from holding union leadership positions. Unions that refused to comply with Taft-Hartley, such as the UE, were expelled from the CIO and lost access to critical resources and support.
The purges cost the labor movement some of its most talented and militant fighters and organizers.
The splitting effort carried over into the WFTU, as well, with unions in Britain, West Germany, France, Canada, Italy, and parts of Asia joining those from the U.S. in withdrawing from the federation. In France, the government banned the WFTU’s Central Offices in Paris, forcing the headquarters to relocate to Vienna, Austria.
The American Federation of Labor (AFL) capitalized on the WFTU split to form the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) in 1949. The ICFTU, representing 35 million workers primarily in Europe and North America, positioned itself as a “free” alternative to the WFTU, which it labeled as “communist-controlled.”
Marching forward
Despite the damaging splits and Red Scare assaults of the Cold War, the WFTU continued to position itself as a champion of workers’ rights, anti-imperialism, and socialism. While its inclusion of workers from the Soviet Union and socialist countries prompted labor leaders from the advanced capitalist countries to spurn it, the federation remained a significant force in the developing world, supporting anti-colonial movements and advocating for international worker solidarity.
WFTU was also known for its promotion of gender equality and the rights of women workers. It advocated for equal pay for equal work, maternity leave, and childcare support. It also supported the rights of migrant workers, the racially and nationally oppressed, and emphasized the need for an inclusive, internationalist labor movement.
Always a hallmark of WFTU was its strong emphasis on the struggle for world peace. The federation actively participated in the global peace movement and championed the causes of nuclear disarmament and an end to the arms race between the U.S. and the USSR. It organized protests and campaigns to combat the proliferation of nuclear weapons and actively opposed military alliances such as NATO.
It framed the fight for peace as an integral part of the broader struggle, asserting that war and militarism disproportionately affected working-class people, who were the ones sent to fight these conflicts, while imperialists profited from them. The WFTU was a vocal critic of U.S. interventions in countries such as Korea, Vietnam, and Cuba and opposed U.S.-backed fascist regimes in Latin America.
The WFTU’s exchange programs between trade unionists from capitalist and socialist countries played a crucial role in promoting people-to-people contact during the Cold War. Trade unionists who participated in these exchanges often returned home with a renewed commitment to fighting for workers’ rights and social justice in their communities.
Participants also had the chance to witness the achievements of socialism, including the elimination of unemployment, advances in housing, infrastructure, civil liberties, social security, women’s equality, and free public education.
Crisis and renewal
Devastatingly, the international progressive and communist movement was left in disarray and confusion after the overthrow of socialism in Eastern Europe and the USSR during the 1989-91 period. These counterrevolutions also had a profound impact on the WFTU.
Progressive-led trade unions in many countries, particularly those aligned with communist parties, entered a period of crisis. The international labor movement overall was severely weakened, and the ideological foundation of many unions was undermined. This resulted in a decline in union membership and influence in some regions where WFTU had previously garnered substantial support.
Some federations, like the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) in France and the Confederazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro (CGIL) in Italy, advocated for the dissolution of the WFTU. Workers from Cuba, India, and many countries in Africa, however, vehemently opposed this move. Despite the international confusion and uncertainty among socialist and progressive forces, efforts were still made to strengthen the organization of WFTU and foster international labor solidarity.
WFTU had long played a role in supporting the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa, collaborating with the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and other progressive forces to fight against racial segregation and exploitation of Black workers. The WFTU had organized international solidarity campaigns, including boycotts and sanctions, to pressure the apartheid regime. Its efforts contributed to the eventual dismantling of apartheid and the establishment of a democratic South Africa led by the alliance of the African National Congress, COSATU, and the South African Communist Party – that solidarity work continued throughout the 1990s.
But in the early 2000s, the unions of many formerly socialist countries left the WFTU for the ICFTU. The WFTU’s headquarters moved to Greece at this time. However, within the ICFTU camp, a major split occurred in 2001 when that confederation supported the U.S. invasion of Iraq. This weakened the already fragile unity of the ICFTU.
By 2006, the IFCTU had formally dissolved, and the ITUC was created in its place following a merger with the World Confederation of Labor (WCL). The end of the Cold War had led to a reevaluation of the role of trade unions. The ITUC attempted to move beyond the ideological divisions of the past and focus on practical issues affecting workers, such as fair wages, safe working conditions, and social welfare.
Many unions that are members of WFTU have also now become members of the ITUC.
Dual affiliations can be challenging for unions, though, as the two federations often have distinct political and ideological leanings. The WFTU places a strong emphasis on class struggle and anti-imperialism, while the ITUC focuses more narrowly on a limited view workers’ rights and social justice. Consequently, unions that maintain ties with both organizations have to carefully navigate these differences.
WFTU in the 21st Century
Despite historical challenges, the WFTU remains a formidable force. Its unwavering dedication to international working-class solidarity and anti-fascism remains as important today as when the federation was established.
Since its 15th Congress in Havana in 2005, the federation has been focused on revival and renewal, but traditions like class struggle unionism, union democracy, the struggle for the abolition of exploitation, world peace, and international solidarity with workers everywhere remain a central part of the WFTU’s identity.
The federation is a staunch supporter of Cuba’s labor movement, for instance, particularly in the context of U.S. imperialism’s economic blockade. WFTU has consistently defended the rights of Cuban workers and their unions, highlighting the achievements of the Cuban Revolution in areas such as healthcare, education, and workers’ participation in decision-making.
It is also a consistent advocate for Palestinian workers’ rights, condemning the exploitation and discrimination faced by workers in the West Bank and Gaza under Israeli occupation. It supported the General Union of Palestine Workers (WUPW) in its efforts to organize workers and resist Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza. WFTU also urged workers around the world to join the boycotts of companies complicit in the illegal occupation of Palestinian national territories.
The WFTU’s important history reflects the broader political and ideological struggles of the international labor movement, but it is not bound by the past. From its anti-fascist roots to its resilience during the Cold War and beyond, the WFTU has championed the rights of workers and the oppressed. While it faces ongoing challenges, its legacy as a militant and progressive force in international trade unionism endures.
For more information, readers can check out the book written by WFTU Honorary President George Mavrikos: “Critical Notes on the History of the World Trade Union Movement”.
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